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<DIV>
<DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>Many thanks for these very helpful
responses.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>The article below is useful too; although it
still</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>leaves me in some confusionism as to what
exactly</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>is new, or post-, about the 'new' Korean
nationalism(s).</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>cheers</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4>Aidan</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Bodoni MT" size=4></FONT> </DIV>
<DIV>
<P class=MsoNormal style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><SPAN lang=EN-GB><FONT
face="Times New Roman">AIDAN FOSTER-CARTER</FONT></SPAN></P>
<P class=MsoNormal style="MARGIN: 0cm 0cm 0pt"><SPAN lang=EN-GB><FONT
face="Times New Roman">Honorary Senior Research Fellow in Sociology & Modern
<st1:country-region w:st="on">Korea</st1:country-region>, <st1:place
w:st="on"><st1:PlaceName w:st="on">Leeds</st1:PlaceName> <st1:PlaceType
w:st="on">University</st1:PlaceType></st1:place> </FONT></SPAN></P>
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style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal"><SPAN lang=EN-GB>Home
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href="mailto:afostercarter@aol.com">afostercarter@aol.com</A><SPAN
style="mso-spacerun: yes"> </SPAN><I
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style="mso-bidi-font-style: normal"><SPAN lang=EN-GB
style="FONT-SIZE: 10pt"><FONT face="Times New Roman">[Please use @aol; but if
any problems, please try @yahoo too – and let me know, so I can chide
AOL]<o:p></o:p></FONT></SPAN></I></P>
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<DIV>_________________________________________</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><A
href="http://www.eastwestcenter.org/news-center/east-west-wire/shinsedae-conservative-attitudes-of-a-new-generation-in-south-korea-and-the-impact-on-the-korean-presidential-election/">http://www.eastwestcenter.org/news-center/east-west-wire/shinsedae-conservative-attitudes-of-a-new-generation-in-south-korea-and-the-impact-on-the-korean-presidential-election/</A></DIV>
<DIV>
<DIV class="csc-header csc-header-n1">
<H1 class=csc-firstHeader><FONT size=4>Shinsedae: Conservative Attitudes of a
‘New Generation’ in South Korea and the Impact on the Korean Presidential
Election</FONT></H1></DIV><!-- Header: [end] --><!-- Text: [begin] -->
<P class=bodytext>The East-West Wire is a news, commentary and analysis service
provided by the East-West Center in Honolulu. Any part or all of the Wire
content may be used by media with attribution to the East-West Center or the
person quoted. To receive the East-West Center Wire, please contact Karen
Knudsen at (808) 944-7195 or <A
href="mailto:EastWestWire@EastWestCenter.org"><FONT
color=#32496c>EastWestWire@EastWestCenter.org</FONT></A>. </P>
<P class=bodytext><STRONG><EM>East-West Center Insights</EM> </STRONG>is a forum
that provides East-West Center staff, seminar participants, visiting fellows,
speakers and degree fellows the opportunity to reflect on issues beyond the
headlines. As with all material distributed on the East-West Wire,<EM>
Insights</EM> commentaries may be used by journalists, policymakers and
academics interested in the subject. This <EM>Insights</EM> was written by Park
Sun-Young, a journalist on the International Affairs Desk at<EM> Hankook
Ilbo</EM> in Seoul, South Korea. She delivered this presentation at an East-West
Center Seminar held in Honolulu in June 2007. It was translated from
Korean into English for this publication.
<BR><STRONG><BR>By Park Sun-Young, International Affairs Desk, <EM>Hankook
Ilbo</EM></STRONG><BR><BR><BR>HONOLULU (Sept. 5) -- Who are the new generation
called <EM>Shinsedae?</EM> Since the early 1990s the term <EM>Shinsedae,
</EM>which means “new generation” in Korean, has come to be used to refer to a
specific group of people in Korean society. Though there were other terms for
this new or younger generation -- such as the X-generation and the N-generation
-- they all share a common denominator of being the “post-386 generation,” which
means they are free from ideological or political bias.<BR><BR>The “386
generation,” named after 386 computers, was coined in the 1990s to describe
those in their late 30s and 40s who were “born in the 1960s and attended
university in the 1980s.” It is the 386 generation who spent most of their youth
fighting for democracy under authoritarian rule and who had a shared
generational experience and culture for the first time in Korean history. They
are now in decision-making positions in all fields, including political,
economic, social and cultural areas. The 386 generation will go down in history
as a very active and passionate group of people who toppled a military
dictatorship of more than three decades and built democracy in Korea.<BR><BR>The
1990s was an era of a widening generation gap. Farewell to ideology, a new
generation emerged – a generation that is heavily immersed in consumption. This
group of Koreans was born during a time of rapid economic growth, spent their
childhood in a prosperous environment and experienced the 1997 Asian financial
crisis. They are substantial beneficiaries of the nation’s democracy, which was
achieved by the blood, sweat and tears of the 386 generation. And they are the
first generation who went abroad for travel and study with the liberalization of
overseas travel and the advent of an era of information and communications.
<BR><BR>Unlike the 386 generation who fought for democratization and ideological
issues, what worries this new generation most is the high unemployment of
university graduates. While the 386 generation enjoyed a booming economy with
plenty of jobs available, the new generation is struggling with unemployment and
riding the tide of “fierce competition.”<BR><BR>When Korea was hit by the Asian
financial crisis, they were in high school or college. Raised in an affluent
society with full access to the Internet, this new generation witnessed their
fathers being kicked out of jobs and their families collapsing. After having to
submit resumes without success, they have faced the grim reality that getting a
job is crucial but never easy. The Asian financial crisis changed the mindset of
this new generation in Korea to put the economy before anything else.<BR><BR>A
series of events, such as the Asian financial crisis, the 2002 World Cup where
the Korean national soccer team reached the Final Four and the candlelight vigil
after two middle school girls were killed by a U.S. Forces Korea military
armored vehicle, clearly demonstrated the identity of the younger generation.
These young people, who are open-minded, practical and confident, are often
indifferent to politics. <BR><BR><STRONG>Conservative <EM>Shinsedae</EM> and
post ideology</STRONG><BR><BR>Traditionally, the younger generation represented
by college students was considered to be liberal and progressive. Yet the long
belief that college students are always progressive has collapsed. According to
a joint survey by the <EM>Hankook Ilbo</EM> and school newspapers at Seoul
National University, Yonsei University, Korea University and Ewha Women’s
University conducted with 1,089 university students, more respondents answered
they are conservative than replied they are liberal, 23% to 21%. While a
majority responded they are moderate, on the question of whether to participate
in a democratic movement if they were in a situation where there was a
democratic movement as in June 1987, more than 60% of the respondents answered
“no,” showing a significant setback in participation of the younger generation
in social issues.<BR><BR>Although it is said that being rebellious is a
privilege of youth, the younger they are, the more conservative they seem to be
in Korea at the moment. According to the survey conducted by the Korea Society
Opinion Institute last November, more respondents in their early 20s regarded
themselves as conservative than respondents in their late 20s.<BR><BR>The
conservative attitude of the new generation is also apparent in their changing
preference for political parties. The Woori Party has lost the support of voters
in their 20s. Since 2004 support fell about 18% to a support rate of just over
21% in 2006. In the meantime, the approval rating of the Grand National Party
(GNP) rose in 2006, with almost one-quarter of the younger generation favoring
the party. <BR><BR>In fact, the support gap between the two parties
appears to be wider with university students. In a poll conducted with 1,925
college students across the country by <EM>Campus Plus</EM>, a monthly magazine
for college students, more than one-third of those polled favored the GNP by a
big margin. The Woori Party received less than 10 percent support and the Korea
Democratic Labor Party less than 5 percent.<BR><BR>Moreover, Lee Myung-bak, the
former Seoul mayor, took the lead among all presidential candidates by garnering
support from more than half of the students polled. Trailing behind were former
GNP chairwoman Park Geun-hye (15.8%) and Sohn Hak-kyu (14.5%), who has recently
withdrawn from the GNP.<BR><BR>As unemployment among the young has emerged as a
core problem in Korea, what matters most to this generation is economic
wellbeing. Now, their slogan is: “It’s the economy, Stupid.” According to a
survey conducted by the Federation of Korea Trade Unions, seven out of ten
university students surveyed support capitalism. In a poll conducted by the
University News Network, students said they value economic growth more than
narrowing down disparity in wealth, which is quite a different opinion from that
of the 386 generation.<BR><STRONG><BR>Practical
nationalism</STRONG><BR><BR><EM><STRONG>Shinsedae, </STRONG></EM>the new
generation, would go to McDonald’s for hamburgers after burning the U.S. flag at
a candlelight vigil in a protest against America. They do not think it is
contradictory to accept the American culture on one hand, while claiming to
condemn a U.S. action. These young people, the first beneficiaries of
globalization in Korea, have strong confidence and pride in their country,
especially after the Korean national soccer team performance in the 2002 World
Cup and with overseas travel and study much more common. <BR><BR>Their version
of nationalism -- which is based on the belief that Korea is not inferior
whatsoever to the United States or Japan -- is fundamentally different from the
nationalism of past generations with vestiges of Japanese colonial rule of
Korea. <BR><BR>Here we can see the emergence of “confident nationalism” for the
first time in Korea, strikingly different from the previous “resistant
nationalism.” Hence, it may not be an exaggeration to call this new generation
full of national pride, “the new people” or “the new race.”<BR><BR>Yet to these
young people, nationalism never takes precedence over their pursuit of pragmatic
interest, meaning they become nationalistic only when it serves their interest.
If there is a conflict between nationalism and pragmatism, the former never
trumps the latter. Such a tendency is even more visible when it comes to North
Korean issues. According to a survey conducted by the <EM>Chosun Daily </EM>in
August 2005 with 813 young people, when asked the question about which side to
support if a war breaks out between Washington and Pyongyang, close to
two-thirds of respondents said they will support North Korea, while less than
one-third answered they will be on the U.S. side. The survey suggests that young
people today no longer view North Korea as an enemy or a competitor.
<BR><BR>However, when asked if they are willing to bear the cost and burden for
reunification, the responses turned negative. The students said it is desirable
for the two Koreas to be unified only without sacrifice from their side. A
survey of university students in January of this year showed barely a fifth of
the respondents think unification is an urgent matter that should be pursued at
the expense of national interest. Almost 80% of students either answered
unification should take place cautiously to avoid any kind of setback and
negative impact on the national economy or preferred remaining divided.
<BR><BR>The new generation tends to be fiercely nationalistic particularly
toward events combined with sports or the Internet. As seen in the cases of
China’s distortion of Northeast Asia history, Japan’s claim of sovereignty over
Dokdo islet and whitewashing of history textbooks, and the tragic death of two
school girls by a U.S. army vehicle in 2002, Internet-savvy young people
exploded with rage and shared and spread their nationalistic messages by
leveraging the Internet. Global sporting events such as the World Cup and the
Olympics have also witnessed how patriotism of these confident young people
turned to nationalism.<BR><BR>Still they express nationalism only when it suits
their pragmatic interests. To them, economy and culture are major drivers to go
nationalistic. A key example is their shifting support from a traditional ally,
the United States, to a rapidly emerging China. When asked which nation will
help the development of Korea most a decade down the road, twice as many
university students said China will be more helpful than the United States,
according to a survey by the<EM> Korea Economic Daily. </EM>The survey also
showed that almost twice the number of respondents answered they have become
increasingly favorable to China, compared to the number expressing their
growing preference towards the United States. <BR><BR>A survey conducted by the
<EM>Chosun Daily</EM> also showed that more than a third of this new generation
has a positive impression of Japan, often associating it with its computer games
and comic strips. With regard to the question of where they want to immigrate or
work, apart from Korea, Australia was ranked first, followed by the U.S. and
Japan, respectively.<BR><STRONG><BR>Politics as a Product, New Generation as
Consumers</STRONG><BR><BR>The new generation does not show a consistent tendency
of liberalism or conservatism. Rather to those young people who increasingly go
global and digital, all issues are intertwined between individuals and society,
production and consumption, and politics and personal life, which lead to more
complicated patterns regarding their stance and beliefs. <BR><BR>The same goes
for their political attitudes. Most of them are apathetic toward politics, yet
actively participate in political events. They don’t read newspapers but are
intensely interested in contacting and building relations with politicians
through their mini homepages and the Internet. To them, politicians are just
celebrities to take photos with when they bump into them on the street. Truly,
we are now living in an era where politics has become a kind of product or
entertainment. <BR><BR>Then, which presidential candidate will have the greatest
value as a product? According to a survey conducted by<EM> Campus Plus,</EM>
two-thirds of respondents selected the “strong drive” of candidates as an
important factor in deciding whom to vote for. Much less important were
morality, previous achievements and political affiliation, which ranked at the
bottom, which again demonstrates their ideology-free pragmatism. <BR><BR>Those
aged between 26 and 35, also known as the “2635 Generation,” represent 17% of
the national population and 24% of the working population, which indicates the
strong influence they will have in the next presidential election. Between older
conservative people or those over 46 and the progressive 386 generation between
ages 36 and 45, this 2635 generation will hold a deciding vote. Even though they
are more conservative, it doesn’t mean more votes to a conservative party since
they are indifferent to politics. During the 2002 presidential election, only
about 57% of these young people turned out to vote despite their strong craze
over then presidential candidate, Roh Mu-hyun. <BR><BR>Stronger conservatism of
this generation will be a benefit to the Grand National Party. With the next
presidential election only six months away, the GNP is now cementing its solid
basis for victory. Candidates enjoying high popularity among the public are all
members of the GNP, whereas the ruling party has not even come up with
candidates who are able to compete with them. Worse, taking into consideration
serious public disappointment over the current administration and extreme
fatigue against reform efforts and progressivism, it may be difficult to expect
any sudden changes as were seen in the 2002 presidential election. <BR><BR>That
said, there is still room for unexpected changes in votes among the new
generation in the election slated for December 19. That may hinge on the image
of candidates. <BR><BR>As seen by surveys cited above, young people put personal
image over political ideology or political party affiliation when deciding whom
to vote for. Not only in politics but in commercial arenas, image now
constitutes an important value that drives the sales of products. That leads us
to predict heated cyber campaigns and promotions to win the hearts and minds of
the younger generation during the next election. Yet, building an image that
meets the pragmatic desire of the new generation will require more than
fine-sounding rhetoric, especially after the serious disillusionment of voters
who followed image and rhetoric in deciding their votes in the election of 2002.
<BR><BR><EM>Park Sun-Young is a staff reporter on the International Affairs Desk
at Hankook Ilbo in Seoul, South Korea. She has mainly covered Korean ministries
and government agencies during her reporting career at the newspaper, including
the National Human Rights Commission, the Ministry of Government Administration,
the Seoul Metropolitan Government and the Ministry of Gender and Family. She has
also written news articles on film and literature. <BR><BR>Currently Ms. Park
covers international news, focusing mainly on foreign affairs and national
security. She writes articles on the politics of North America, South America
and Europe. She delivered this presentation on the “new generation” in South
Korea during the “Northeast Asia Journalists Dialogue: Meeting Regional
Challenges in the Media,” an East-West Center Seminar held in Honolulu in June
2007. It was translated from Korean into English for this
publication. <BR></EM><BR><BR>A PDF version of this
INSIGHTS commentary is available at: <A
title=http://www.eastwestcenter.org/pubs/2229
href="http://www.eastwestcenter.org/news-center/east-west-wire/shinsedae-conservative-attitudes-of-a-new-generation-in-south-korea-and-the-impact-on-the-korean-presidential-election/pubs/2229"
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color=#32496c>www.eastwestcenter.org/pubs/2229</FONT></A><BR><BR><BR>The
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</P><!-- Text: [end] --><!-- CONTENT ELEMENT, uid:4949/text [end] --><!--TYPO3SEARCH_end--></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>______________________</DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV>In a message dated 06/09/2007 01:19:48 GMT Standard Time,
hoffmann@koreaweb.ws writes:</DIV>
<BLOCKQUOTE
style="PADDING-LEFT: 5px; MARGIN-LEFT: 5px; BORDER-LEFT: blue 2px solid"><FONT
style="BACKGROUND-COLOR: transparent" face=Arial color=#000000 size=2>
<DIV>Yes, this is an interesting topic, and that short newspaper article you
quote seems right on, at first sight:</DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV>Quote from that article:</DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Times New Roman" color=#000000> "As far as large social
currents are concerned, it's clear that both intellectuals and
the</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Times New Roman" color=#000000> general public are now
moving from leftwing nationalism to rightwing post-nationalism,²</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><FONT face="Times New Roman" color=#000000> Kim Ho-ki
said.</FONT></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV>It is a newspaper article, after all -- and I am not too sure any of the
mentioned scholars mentioned in there (some are on this list) would be very
happy with the markers given to them. The terminology being used seems
somewhat trivialized, or popularized, if you like that term better.
"Post-nationalism" is of course closely related to globalization.
Globalization, however, is in Korean newspapers, magazines, and the general
public being used to equal something like "having international trade
relations with nations around the world." It is exactly this trivialized
version of the term that makes it so tremendously popular in Korea. Going from
here I see that many of these newspaper debates that one way or the other
relate to globalization are often hard to understand if these specific Korean
definitions of such terms are not being considered as what they really mean. I
don't think that "post-nationalism" in that article is indeed the same
"post-nationalism" that Carter Eckert talks about in the chapter Will Pore
mentioned.</DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV>"Rightwing post-nationalism" seems particular problematic. That quote
somehow indicates that there is no leftwing or liberal post-nationalism, and
that post-nationalism is a 'rightwing' political affair. That's where the
entire statement stops to make sense to me, and I understand why you say that
such articles are frustrating. You probably know the book _Empire_, a
publication by Harvard U Press (2000), by Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri.
Negri, an Italian philosophy professor and former colleague of Derrida,
Foucault and Deleuze at the Collège International de Philosophie in Paris, but
also a terrorist and member of the Red Brigates who spent a long prison for
his involvement in the Aldo Moro assassination, collaborted with his former
student Michael Hardt, now teaching at Duke U., on redefining globalization.
One of the main points that the authors make is that there is no right or left
anymore. Globalization and post-nationalism are in Negri's and Hardt's
analysis not right or left, and they are not something that create a
right-wing or neoliberal world either. (For a good summary and longer review
see: http://www.thenation.com/doc/20000717/aronowitz.) The old terms of right
and left have stopped to apply in this new reality. It just is not very
helpful to use these terms anymore. Such newspaper and magazine articles
certainly show the amazing appetite to use hip language. I understand. We all
wanna be hip.</DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV>Frank </DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV>
<DIV><BR></DIV><X-SIGSEP><PRE>--
</PRE></X-SIGSEP>
<DIV>--------------------------------------<BR>Frank
Hoffmann<BR>http://koreaweb.ws</DIV></FONT></BLOCKQUOTE></DIV>
<DIV></DIV></DIV>
<DIV> </DIV>
<DIV><FONT lang=0 face="Bradley Hand ITC" size=5 FAMILY="SCRIPT"
PTSIZE="18"><B>Aidan</B></FONT></DIV></FONT> </BODY></HTML>