[KS] assessing historical meanings - Mr. Yoon
Frank Hoffmann
hoffmann at koreaweb.ws
Wed Sep 8 19:08:58 EDT 2010
Dear Vladimir:
Interesting read -- thanks!
Okay, but where is the misunderstanding? Can you
try to nail it down further, if you have the time?
The response was only about (a) the Pak Hônyông
text--as you summarized it, and (b) your own
historical evaluation of that text
("well-measured" and "there is little to add to
[Pak's] analysis"). It was not a response about
Pak's wider activities or the Communists'
maneuvering and tactics in Korea. To clarify
further from my end, I wanted to point out that
anti-colonial activities of people that are
counted into the nationalist (or radical
nationalist) camp were also of great importance,
had also influences, even though many of their
acts had more symbolic importance than say the
organization of labor strikes within Korea, short
and long term influences. In your posting you
quoted (or summarized) Pak Hônyông's text without
distancing yourself from it, basically
subscribing to its logic of >>only activities
that involve the colonial masses and that aim at
enhancing their life conditions are worth
historic attention<< (or something in that line
of thought). I would like to question that this
(unrevised-old-style-Leftist) approach can be
sustained. It could not even sustained in the
1930s--could it?
>> And Pak Hônyông, the person who could legitimately claim to
>> represent their interests (...)
Well, again, that's one of the points, yes? Could
he claim "legitimately" to represent anyone
outside the Korean Communist Party? Was he
elected by the workers (or even workers and
peasants)?
>> only in 1930-35 1,795 people were arrested in Korea in connection
>> with the revolutionary workers' movement (...)
Everything is relative, especially statistics.
For example, at the lengthy Minneapolis
Teamsters' Strike ('Local 574') in 1934 alone,
under Trotskyist leadership, 30 to 40,000 people
marched for workers' rights (about half of them
were workers). I didn't look it up, but likely
there were more arrests done at that one strike
than during the entire colonial period in Korea,
as far as union related arrests go -- and this
was in just one American city. And in
Berlin/Germany the same would be true for many
early 1930s strikes and demonstrations, not to
talk about the many almost clubbed to death by
Weimar police. Statistics always only make sense
in a wider context. What is the context here? The
industrialization of Korea really only gathered
speed in the late 1930s. In the 1920s the
proletariat was small (you mention that there
were no solidarity strikes until the late 1920s
-- well, also because there were not that many
workers). Then again, it might be useful to
compare those strikes to strikes in Japan, where
of course the labor movement and the leftist
movement was far more active and organized than
it ever was in Korea. If I now take the fact into
account that Korea was during most of the
colonial period NOT a fully industrialized
country with an overwhelmingly large proletariat
(what was the percentage of industrial workers by
1945?), but rather a still rural society with
still traditional feudal structures, etc., then
maybe those nationalist "right-wing" acts of the
Kim Ku type were after all not that meaningless
for Koreans--at the minimum creating "heroes" to
look up to.
Best,
Frank
--
--------------------------------------
Frank Hoffmann
http://koreaweb.ws
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