[KS] KSR 2004-15: _Min Yông-hwan: A Political Biography_, by Michael Finch

[Stephen Epstein]

_Min Yông-hwan: A Political Biography_, by Michael Finch. Honolulu: 
University of Hawai'i Press, 2002. xii + 256 pages. (ISBN 
0-8248-2520-9 cloth)


reviewed by Anders Karlsson
SOAS, University of London
ak49 at sas.ac.uk

[This review first appeared in _Acta Koreana_, 6.1 (2003): 14-20. 
_Acta Koreana_ is published by Academia Koreana of Keimyung 
University.]


Historical narratives of 19th century Korea are still to some extent 
in the grip of the odd couple of Social Darwinism and Confucian 
historiography. Writing on a transitional period, from traditional 
society to modern, from an independent and proud kingdom to a 
protectorate and colony, it is easy to fall into teleological 
reasoning and judgmental descriptions. Studies dealing with this 
period frequently seek the causes for the weak state of the dynasty, 
why it wasn't able to adapt to the new geopolitical situation of late 
19th century East Asia. This is projected back into earlier parts of 
the century, tracing what went wrong, instead of trying to get a 
comprehensive view of the socio-political situation at the time. The 
Confucian legacy can be seen in efforts to find the morally culpable; 
in the cyclical view of Confucian historiography dynasties come to an 
end because they are morally corrupt, the Chosôn dynasty came to an 
end, therefore it must have been corrupt. From both a Social 
Darwinian and a Confucian point of view attention is naturally 
directed to the politically most influential group of the time, the 
royal in-law families. Portrayed as morally corrupt, they are thus 
blamed for the weak state of the dynasty and also for contributing to 
the demise of Korea as an independent country by stubbornly sticking 
to the old order to defend their own interests.

The late 19th century is accordingly depicted as a period when 
progressive forces, realising that Korea had to change to survive, 
fought with conservatives, among whom the royal in-laws played a 
prominent role, defending their own interests at the expense of the 
survival of the country. This is the context in which Michael Finch's 
study Min Yông-hwan: A Political Biography is set. The Introduction 
states: "One of the main purposes of this study, therefore, is to 
correct the distortion of such a polarized interpretation and to show 
that the political scene in late Chosôn Korea should not be viewed as 
a simple dichotomy of progressive reformers pitted against 
conservative reactionaries." (p. 4)

This is a very welcome approach, and a biographical study is of 
course a very effective format when aiming to disaggregate an 
over-simplified picture, as it can portray in detail the complex 
situation into which a person is put, and the diverse and sometimes 
contradictory ways in which the person reacts. Furthermore, as Min 
Yônghwan was a central figure in the most powerful in-law family at 
that time, the Yôhûng Min clan, and also was engaged in governmental 
reform efforts, the subject of this study is indeed very well chosen. 
The study is mainly interested in Min Yônghwan as a public figure, 
his political career. It is thus titled a political biography, and 
the main sources used are Min's own writings as compiled in Min 
Ch'ungjônggong yugo (The posthumous works of Prince Min).

The first chapter, "Early Life and Political Career" begins with an 
introductory exposition of the closing decades of the Chosôn dynasty 
(1866-1910). Except for two Korean secondary sources this is 
exclusively based on the standard English language scholarship on the 
period and does not provide any new understanding. Thereafter follows 
a similar exposition of the intellectual background of Late Chosôn. 
This is also too superficial to provide a good understanding of the 
period in which Min Yônghwan lived, and it contains some problematic 
statements, for instance: "In the early nineteenth century Chông 
Yag-yong, the "great synthesizer" of sirhak thought, brought 
practical learning to the threshold of "enlightenment thought" 
(kaehwa sasang)" (p. 19). Even though, admittedly, links can be seen 
between practical learning and late 19th century Korean enlightenment 
thought, for instance in figures such as Pak Kyusu, the latter was 
not a result of any "synthesizing" of the former, and Chông 
Yag-yong's rather traditional version of practical learning was not 
at the core of these developments. It is further stated "[j]ust as 
the Western Enlightenment had seen the appearance of Encyclopedists 
in France, so the nineteenth century in Korea also witnessed the 
emergence of such encyclopedic works." (p. 19) Not only is the 
comparison of Western and Korean enlightenment thought misleading, 
but the statement also ignores the fact that the Korean encyclopedic 
works were written from the perspective of sirhak, not enlightenment 
thought, and that sirhak scholars had produced such works in earlier 
periods, for example Yi Su-gwang's (1563-1628) Chibong yusôl and Yi 
Ik's (1681-1763) Sôngho sasôl. There is also an unfortunate misprint; 
the title of Sô Yugu's (1764--1845) encyclopedic work is Imwôn 
simnyuk chi and not Imyôn simnyuk chi (p.19).

This chapter takes off, however, when it starts to relate Min 
Yônghwan's family background and early life. The fact that Min 
Yônghwan was the cousin of King Kojong as well as the nephew of the 
king's consort, Queen Myôngsông, is very telling of how closely 
connected the Min clan was to the royal family, and also of the 
complex family situations that could result from the practice of 
adoption within families to maintain blood-lines. The description of 
his childhood is, however, due to existing sources, as dull as most 
such descriptions found in the biographies of Chosôn Korea 
personalities. After conceiving him his mother had an auspicious 
dream, and as a child Min Yônghwan showed exceptional filial piety, 
respectfully listened to his elders, and would not join in with the 
local children's games. It is, however, very telling to see how the 
young Min Yônghwan was able to make a "meteoric" (p. 27) rise in the 
bureaucracy even though he repeatedly declined positions given to 
him. Min passed the final stage of the Munkwa Examination in February 
1878 and already in March 1881, even before his twentieth birthday, 
he was promoted to a post at the senior third rank, entering the 
higher ranks of the bureaucracy. As this study deals with one of the 
central figures in the Min clan, and it states that "Min's [Yônghwan] 
career was made all the more promising by the fact that by 1878, the 
Min clan had already had five years in which to consolidate its power 
after forcing the resignation of the Taewôn'gun in 1873" (p. 27) it 
would have been interesting to see a discussion on the role of the 
Min clan in the seizure of political initiative from his father by 
King Kojong, as this is not a wholly undisputed issue.

Just as the Min clan's position gave them power, it also made them 
the target of political violence in this turbulent period, something 
of which Min would have much personal experience. His father, Min 
Kyômho was killed in the Soldiers Rebellion of 1882, two relatives, 
Min T'aeho and Min Yôngmok were killed in the coup of 1884, and 
finally Queen Myôngsông was murdered by the Japanese in 1895. This 
chapter gives a very interesting picture of the pros and cons of 
being a royal in-law family in late 19th-century Korea.

The second chapter "Proposals for Reforms" presents Min's reform 
essay Ch'ônilch'aek (One policy in a thousand), and starts with a 
discussion on the dating of this work, arguing that it was written 
just before the outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War in July 1894, and 
not around the time of Min's two journeys to the West in 1896 and 
1897 as surmised by the South Korean historian Kang Sôngjo. Even if 
it of course is very important whether Min wrote this reform essay 
before or around the times of his visit to Western countries, I feel 
that the author gets a little bit too polemic, stating that it 
"appears to have been incorrectly dated in Korean historiography 
[italics added]" (p. 6) even though he later only refers to the work 
of Kang Sôngjo, and it is my impression that the work usually isn't 
dated at all. Finch furthermore accuses Kang Sôngjo of having 
"deliberately misinterpreted" (p. 46) a section of the text, a 
serious accusation that would need some substantial elaboration. 
Given that Finch is able to produce several convincing cases of 
textual evidence to support his dating, it is also somewhat 
disappointing that he should overdo his case and use a reference of 
Min to a standard phrase like "five hundred years of civil government 
in Chosôn" as indicative of when the text was written (p. 40).

Ch'ônilch'aek starts with an assessment of the situation in Korea 
dealing with the perceived Russian and Japanese threats, Chosôn's 
relationship with China and the Tonghak problem. That Finch is able 
to show that this text was written before the outbreak of the 
Sino-Japanese War is of course of great significance when analysing 
how he perceived the threat from Japan and Russia, and when arguing 
for what kind of relationship Korea should have with China. Finch 
makes a good point of the fact that Min already at this stage warns 
of Japan's "aggressive intentions". He states: "[W]hatever the truth 
of Hilary Conroy's assertion that the Meiji leadership had no 
long-term plan to annex Korea, that was certainly not the perception 
of at least one member of Korea's leadership élite as early as 1894." 
(p. 45) Of importance for the later narrative of the study is also 
how strongly Min perceived the threat from Russia, calling the 
country a "modern-day, powerful Qin". (p. 43)

This assessment of the situation is followed by ten proposals for 
preparation and defence: employing talented people, restoring the 
fundamental principles of government, reform of the military system, 
adequate storage of materials, the repair of weapons, the defence of 
strategic points, relieving the people's suffering, managing wealth 
and expenditure, promotion of schools, and relations with 
neighbouring countries. What strikes the reader is the traditional 
character of these suggested reforms. This might be the reason why 
the text hasn't received much attention in previous studies of the 
period, as these tend to focus on "progressive" reform ideas, but 
Min's text is very important if we want to understand the outlook of 
leading figures of the time, and Finch's discussion is a very welcome 
contribution.

The reader is, however, left wondering for whom this text was 
intended. The difficulties in dating the texts of course result from 
the fact that it isn't mentioned in other sources. It would have been 
interesting if Finch had discussed why this text apparently wasn't 
circulated, considering Min's central position in the bureaucracy.

The third chapter "Mission to Russia" is based on Haech'ôn ch'ubôm 
(Sea, sky, autumn voyage) and relates Min's 1896 journey to Moscow as 
minister plenipotentiary to attend the coronation of Tsar Nicholas 
II. This was when King Kojong was residing in the Russian legation in 
Seoul and the mission was a Russian initiative to strengthen its 
position in Korea. The purpose of the visit was not only to attend 
the coronation, but also to have negotiations with the Russian 
government. In great detail the reader is allowed to follow Min and 
his entourage, including Yun Ch'iho, on their journey to Russia via 
China, Japan, Canada, the United States, Great Britain, Germany and 
Poland. It is fascinating reading to see how this group reacted to 
the more spectacular features of Western civilisation, such as steam 
trains, electricity, high buildings, and broadcasting. Some remarks 
even bring Papalagi to mind, as after having experienced an 
electrically powered elevator for the first time, when the diary 
states: "As climbing the stairs might be considered inconvenient, 
there is one room on the ground floor which goes up and down by means 
of electricity according to one's wish. This is a good idea." (p. 83) 
Curiosity seems to have been reciprocal to a certain extent as the 
group wore traditional Korean clothes and attracted unwelcome 
attention in New York. Yun Ch'iho wrote: "If laughing and smiling are 
a sign of happiness, certainly we, in our strange dress, were an 
innocent cause of making many a person happy in N.Y." (p. 211) In a 
similar fashion it is also interesting to see how Min Yônghwan after 
this "journey of thousands of miles across two oceans and two 
continents" (p. 90-91) in the end was unable to attend the coronation 
in the cathedral of the Kremlin Palace as he refused to remove his 
official headgear, something that the envoys of Turkey, China, and 
Persia also refused to do, and had to watch it from outside.

The greatest value of this chapter, however, lies in the first-hand 
insight it gives into the frustrating diplomatic activities of Min in 
Russia. He had been ordered by King Kojong to negotiate with the 
Russians to secure help to balance Japanese influence. What Korea 
asked for was a guard for the protection of the King, military 
instructors, advisors, telegraphic connections, and a loan. The 
Koreans were, however, unaware of the secret negotiations between 
Russia and Japan concerning the balance of their influence on the 
Korean peninsula, resulting in the Yamagata-Lobanov Protocol of June 
1896. When Min negotiated with the Russians they didn't inform him of 
this agreement, frustrating Min by not giving any clear answer to the 
Korean requests and only offering the not-so-convincing "moral 
assurance of safety" for the Korean king.
The fourth chapter, "Embassy to Queen Victoria's Diamond Jubilee", is 
based on Sagu sokch'o (Additional notes of an envoy to Europe) and 
initially describes how Min Yônghwan after returning to Korea, 
apparently influenced by his experiences in the West, starts to work 
for reform to the extent that he was "adopted as the main figurehead 
for reform within the Korean administration by the Independent's 
editor, Sô Chaep'il" (p. 118), before he once again is sent abroad, 
this time as Ambassador Plenipotentiary to Queen Victoria's Diamond 
Jubilee and Minister Plenipotentiary to six European nations in 1897. 
Whereas the 1896 visit to Russia had been a Russian initiative, this 
mission "was the fulfilment of a long-held desire of the Chosôn 
administration to be represented at the major capitals of Europe" (p. 
121). As in the previous chapter, the adventures of Min Yônghwan in 
foreign lands make fascinating reading, but it is really in the 
description of how these "long-held desires" were thwarted, and how 
Min Yônghwan eventually, out of frustration over the Korean 
situation, abandoned his official responsibilities and left for the 
US, that the value of this chapter lies.

The last chapter, "The Final Phase", portrays Min's activities while 
staying in Washington and his activities in Korea after his return in 
1898 and up till November 1905, when he committed suicide in protest 
against the protectorate treaty. In this period he continued to work 
for reform while being given high positions in the bureaucracy. Of 
special significance were his activities in the Bureau of Emigration 
(Yuminwôn), since he actively supported Korean emigration to Hawai'i, 
apparently impressed by what he had witnessed among Korean immigrants 
in the Russian Far East on his return journey from his visit to 
Russia in 1896.

Min Yông-hwan: A Political Biography is a most valuable contribution 
to the study of 19th century Korea, a biographical narrative that 
provides fascinating reading of micro-historical details, and a study 
in diplomatic history that sheds valuable light on the difficult 
diplomatic endeavours of the Chosôn dynasty as the kingdom was 
confronted with a new international order in late 19th century. 
However, although the strong point of Finch's study is that he 
attempts to give a more variegated picture, aiming to "correct the 
distortion" of "a polarized interpretation", unfortunately, to a 
certain extent, he himself seems to fall into the same trap. He for 
instance contends that "largely as a result of Min's experiences in 
the West and his close contact with Western diplomats, advisers, 
missionaries, and their Korean associates in Seoul such as Yun 
Ch'i-ho and Sô Chae-p'il, Min was able to go beyond his 
neo-Confucian, conservative background to become the most important 
ally of modernization and reform at the Korean court [italics added]" 
(p. 8). Furthermore, in his discussion of Min's reform essay, Finch 
seems to feel a need to excuse Min for his conservative outlook 
stating that "it should be recognized that Min was constrained to 
work within the frames of reference of the Chosôn court" and that by 
"using Chinese precedents in his arguments for reform, he was also 
protecting himself from any criticism that might come either from 
conservatives or from Qing observers of the court such as Yuan 
Shikai" (pp. 53-54).

Consequently the life of Min Yônghwan is still described and judged 
from the viewpoint of a teleologically justified preferred 
development, and in the end the reader is left lacking a new 
understanding of Min Yônghwan's role in Korean politics of the 
period. Finch repeatedly states that Min's main contribution was to 
function as a link between the Korean court and reformers, "his 
efforts to traverse the gulf between Kojong's court and the 
Independence club" (p. 180), but these claims are only backed up by 
the fact that he was close to the court, worked for reform, and that 
members of the Independence Club spoke warmly of him. The author 
fails to show of what these "efforts" really consisted. Finch thus 
tends to collapse the importance of Min into only his ideas on 
reform, and in my opinion it would have been interesting to see both 
a broader and a more detailed discussion of the political role, not 
only of Min but also of the group he represented, the influential 
royal-in-law statesmen, in this turbulent period of Korean history.

These final critical remarks, however, do not detract from the value 
of this publication, a study that should attract interest not only 
from scholars dealing with turn-of-the-century diplomatic history, 
but also from a broader audience wanting to get closer to the leading 
personalities of late 19th century Korea.



Citation:
Karlsson, Anders 2004
_Min Yông-hwan: A Political Biography_, by Michael Finch (2002)
_Korean Studies Review_ 2004, no. 15
Electronic file: http://koreaweb.ws/ks/ksr/ksr04-15.htm
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