[KS] Roh Moo-hyun, RIP
Afostercarter at aol.com
Afostercarter at aol.com
Mon May 25 17:43:45 EDT 2009
Dear friends and colleagues,
A busy couple of days in the news for Korea, none good.
Trust Kim Jong-il to upstage poor Roh Moo-hyun.
The Guardian asked me to memorialize Roh.
I wrote against the clock, but tried to weigh my words.
In his death as in life, I found heart and head in conflict.
Though the Grauniad's edit wasn't bad as edits go
_http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/24/roh-moo-hyun-obituary_
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/24/roh-moo-hyun-obituary)
I append the full version (too long) as I wrote it,
which has the balance I intended - for better or worse.
Best wishes
Aidan
Aidan Foster-Carter
Honorary Senior Research Fellow in Sociology & Modern Korea, Leeds
University
Flat 1, 40 Magdalen Road, Exeter, EX2 4TE, UK
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_____________________
Obituary commissioned by The Guardian. Completed 24 May 2009. Edited
version published on
25 May 2009 at
_http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/24/roh-moo-hyun-obituary_
(http://www.guardian.co.uk/world/2009/may/24/roh-moo-hyun-obituary)
Roh Moo-hyun
Combative South Korean president who challenged the old elite
Aidan Foster-Carter
Roh Moo-hyun, who ended his life on Saturday aged 62, was a South Korean
president who broke the mould – though in the end the mould broke him. Born
in poverty, his tenure in the Blue House (2003-08) antagonized the Seoul
elite and Washington while disappointing his fans. Dismay grew as a
corruption scandal enveloped him, finally driving him to jump from a clifftop near
his home early in the morning after leaving a suicide note on his computer.
Roh never lost his roots in Korea’s rural southeast. The youngest child of
a poor farmer, his nickname was ‘stone bean’: small but tough. His
first-grade teacher said he had many talents – above all in presenting his
opinions. Unable to afford college, he worked on building sites while studying at
night for South Korea's formidable bar examination. Passing this in 1975 –
a remarkable feat for a non-graduate – he was briefly a judge before
practising as a lawyer. In 1971 he had married his childhood sweetheart Kwon
Yang-sook, from the same area and background; her father was once jailed as
pro-communist. They have a son and a daughter.
At first more upwardly mobile than political – with a comfortable tax
practice, he joined the local yacht club – in 1980 Roh defended students
tortured on trumped-up charges by Seoul’s then military dictators. By his own
account, the sight of torn-out toenails radicalized him. Now specializing in
human rights cases, he was briefly jailed in 1987: the year democracy was
restored. Elected to the national assembly for the port city of Pusan, he
gained national fame for sharply grilling generals and tycoons, in sessions
broadcast live on television. Such irreverence struck a fresh note in a
country still in fear of the military and in awe of elites.
A spell in the wilderness followed. When his mentor Kim Young-sam allied
with generals to win the presidency in 1993, a disgusted Roh threw in his
lot with YS’s rival, the long-time dissident Kim Dae-jung. Regional
antagonism between the southeast and DJ’s southwest made the latter a losing ticket
in Pusan, but Roh doggedly ran and lost three times. His down to earth
image as a principled if quixotic loser inspired his supporters to form Nosamo
(We Love Roh), South Korea’s first ever political fan club, which blossomed
as the Internet grew.
Kim Dae-jung won the presidency in 1997, and Roh served briefly as
fisheries minister. Yet he was still a political outsider when the ruling party
decided to choose its next candidate – South Korean presidents serve a single
five-year term – via the country’s first ever primaries. To elite
consternation, a bandwagon began to roll, delivering Roh the nomination. Insiders
tried to deselect him; at one point he trailed third in the polls. But on
the day in December 2002 he narrowly defeated a stiff conservative former
judge. Koreans wanted a change.
In office Roh proved divisive. The establishment hated him, and he them.
Shunning and at one point suing the conservative print dailies, Roh favoured
left-leaning online news sites like Ohmynews. He promoted the radical 386
generation: in their 30s, at college in the 1980s and born in the 1960s.
Populist and anti-American, the 386ers sounded a new assertive note. Roh
himself, who unusually had never visited the US before (though he wrote a book
about Abraham Lincoln), riposted by saying he did not see why he should go
just to kowtow.
But the left were soon disappointed. Roh sent troops to Iraq, and in 2007
signed a free trade accord (still unratified) with the US, in the teeth of
fierce street protests: a Korean speciality. If Iraq was a sop to Bush so
that Roh could continue a ‘sunshine’ policy of engaging North Korea, the
FTA seemed a real change of heart, rejecting the old ‘fortress Korea’
mentality.
Policies apart, Roh’s style grated. His mouth tended to run away with him.
This spontaneity, refreshing at first, was often combative, could be crude
and lacked gravitas. He admitted that on official trips – including the
first ever Korean state visit to the UK, in 2004 – he packed ramyon (instant
noodles); all that foreign nosh was uncongenial. Having no English
small-talk was a problem too: by the time you beckoned the interpreter, the moment
had passed.
At home Roh was forever upsetting applecarts, not least his own. Within
weeks of becoming president, he wondered aloud if he was up to the job and
suggested a referendum on his rule. In March 2004 he got one – as the first
South Korean president ever to be impeached, which a simple apology could
have prevented. A popular backlash in his favour then gave his party a
majority in elections in April. In May the Constitutional Court threw out his
impeachment. Roh, and Korea, bounced back from an unnerving roller-coaster
largely of his own making.
Thus it continued. In 2007 as his term drew to a close, after years of
antagonizing the Right on issues ranging from collaboration with past
dictatorships to restricting elite schools, Roh startled friend and foe alike by
proposing an alliance with the conservative opposition. The latter rejected
this. Their candidate Lee Myung-bak, a formaer Hyundai CEO and mayor of
Seoul, won a landslide in December 2007’s presidential election – over a
centre-left which by then was desperate to distance itself from Roh, seen as a
bungling, mercurial liability.
Still, at least he was clean. Scorning Seoul, Roh retired to a new house
in his native village, where he grew organic rice, drank with the locals and
blogged. In recent months this idyll darkened. A bribery scandal involving
a Pusan shoemaker (a local supplier to Nike), Park Yeon-cha, was said to
implicate Roh’s family. On April 7 Roh admitted his wife took money from
Park to settle a debt. On April 30 he was driven to Seoul for a grilling that
lasted till the small hours. Amid rumours from a suspiciously leaky
prosecutor’s office – political bias is alleged – that Roh solicited $6 million
from Park, he feared indictment, humiliation and jail. His death has halted
this, sparing his family; but the full truth may now never be known.
“Discard me”, Roh wrote in his blog. For all his flaws, future history
will judge him less harshly than that. His very weakness helped democracy. No
emperor, he delegated and did not abuse power markedly. The economy grew
at a fair clip, even if he had no clear vision for it – except a failed bid
to move the capital from Seoul so as to promote regional equality.
His finest hour came in October 2007. Solemnly walking across the
Demilitarized Zone, he drove on Pyongyang for a summit with Kim Jong-il whose
results belied low expectations, launching wide-ranging business deals with the
North. For a few months the two Koreas met daily and cooperated concretely.
Roh’s successor Lee junked all this, just as in 2003 George W Bush
brusquely ditched Bill Clinton’s outreach to North Korea. Si monumentum requiris,
circumspice. Perhaps sunshine was appeasement, but does anyone have a
better idea?
An odd mix of Candide-like innocence and often misplaced guile, Roh
Moo-hyun could be a fool – and a hypocrite if he was not after all squeaky-clean.
Yet he was a breath of fresh air, and his street-smart instincts did not
lack vision. His end is a tragedy, for him and for Korea.
Roh Moo-hyun, politician; born August 6 1946, died May 23 2009.
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